The failure of the Convention would open the road to the forces of nationalism in Europe
There are moments in history when it is necessary to make radical choices. In Europe, where national governments have resigned themselves to making foreign policy in the shadow of the American superpower, politics has forgotten the harsh distinction between good and evil, between peace and war. And yet, whoever works in politics should know that, in moments of crisis, the need to make dramatic choices is inescapable. At the time of Mussolini and Hitler two opposite ranks formed: fascists and antifascists. The undecided were overwhelmed by the course of events. Today, the European political class hesitates to make the decisive choice for the European Federation. In the European Convention, and outside it, the debate is wasted on erudite discussions on the difference between the Federation of nation states, the United States of Europe, the Union of nation states and so on, not to mention those who want to muddle the cards with the European Super State. Le Pen silenced everyone with salutary frankness: he, racist without false modesties, wants the Europe of nations; he is against the European Federation. Le Pen is right. There is no third way. Whoever wants to unite Europe and at the same time keep national divisions deceives the citizens and prepares the ground for disaster. The undecided, postponing once again the choice for a European Federation, will bring grist to the mill of the anti-federalists and will be overwhelmed by the mounting nationalism that is infecting all European countries, to a greater or lesser extent. The result of the French presidential elections, despite the leap of pride of the democratic forces, should be a severe warning for those who have the fate of democracy at heart. The dictatorships of Mussolini and of Hitler were helped by a political class than did not fight their ascent with enough firmness. In the nation state democracy is fragile. Europe is once again yielding to a diabolical mixture of nationalism and populism. The Fifth Republic is in the throes of death. The French citizens were compelled to participate in an election without alternatives, so as not to put the Republic in the hands of a racist. The French no longer trust their Constitution. Part of the political class has already got to work on reforming it, launching the project of a Sixth Republic. It is an illusion. The problems denounced by Le Pen are real and will not be resolved by merely reforming the electoral and government system. Immigration, unemployment, social insecurity, the crisis of the Welfare State are all problems that have a European dimension and that can be better tackled by a European government, capable of acting in foreign and economic policy, in order to respond effectively to the challenges of globalisation. The political unity of Europe would change the framework of the political struggle. European democracy would flank national democracy, thus reinforcing it. If the nation remains the outer limit of political life, the nationalists will have the game in hand. The alternative to the re-emergence of nationalism is the European Federation. The Federation is the way to give back a future to the nations that, today, whilst claiming to make their own foreign policy, contribute to keep Europe divided and prevent it from speaking with a single voice in the world. The national cultures have made a decisive contribution to the construction of contemporary cosmopolitan civilisation, with their literature, their philosophy, their scientific discoveries. The European Federation will be the true guarantee of the autonomy and independence of the European nations. The European political classes, at the time of the Cold War, thanks to the American protectorate, were under the illusion that they could enjoy some benefits of European integration without giving up national sovereignty, which was reduced to a legal fiction. After the Cold War, the fiction of national sovereignty was revealed to be a plain lie. No national European state is any longer in a position to take on responsibility for foreign policy all by itself. De Gaulle succeeded, for a short time, to revive the myth of the "grandeur" of France. Chirac is the standard bearer of its decline. The debate on the future of Europe suffers from schizophrenia. The governments refuse the political unity of Europe, but want European integration, because without it they would have to sacrifice a large part of the civil, social and economic achievement that European cooperation guarantees. This contradictory behaviour can no longer continue. The European Convention must decide. The political unity of Europe is impossible without a European democratic government legitimised by popular will. The European Convention must approve a federal Constitution. The right of veto must be abolished. In proposing the Community, Monnet thus advised the governments of the day: "Nous ne coalisons pas des Etats, nous unissons des hommes".Nevertheless, the European governments, by neglecting their initial engagements, prevented the Union from becoming a political community. The Constitution will be the pact that will unite European citizens in a new community of destiny. Federal Europe will not be able to develop without the active engagement of the European parties. Today, the political parties that draw their inspiration from the values of democracy risk being overwhelmed by populism. European populism is the fruit of the break up of national identity. In a situation of disorientation, any demagogue can appeal with success to "their own" people. The great currents of European political thought that contributed to shaping the liberal State, the democratic State and the social State, the pride of European civilisation, can only have a future in Europe if they propose to voters a program of government for the Union, within the framework of the European parties that must prepare themselves from now on for the decisive European elections of 2004. Starting from Europe, a great task awaits the European parties and their voters: to build the liberal, democratic and social State at the supranational level. This is the way to give politics a future again. The European Convention represents an unrepeatable historical occasion for uniting Europe and saving democracy. Nevertheless, parties and governments must understand that the Convention can fail. If it does not approve a federal Constitution, but re-proposes a new Treaty to European citizens in order to restore the intergovernmental Europe of the past, it will certainly provoke a crisis of rejection. The Irish have already said "No" to the muddle of Nice. The time has come to choose between federalism and anti-federalism. Whoever does not support the project of European Federation will, albeit unknowingly, play the game of Le Pen and all his imitators in Europe.
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